When one of the foundation beliefs of a church is that its
spiritual leader and head is sovereign to the extent that, when speaking ex
cathedra, his pronouncements on matters relating to faith or morals are
infallible, it follows that there is no room for any real dissent within
that body and that nothing short of absolute obedience is expected of those
within its pale. Such is the position with regard to the Church of Rome.
When, in 1870, the doctrine of the Pope's infallibility was defined and promulgated
by a Vatican Council, an anathema was pronounced on all who would presume
to disagree with it. Infallibility, as already noted, was supposed to be
limited, but in actual practice, as Loraine Boettner has pointed out, "the
term 'faith and morals' is broad enough and elastic enough to cover almost
any and every phase of religious and civil life. Practically every public
issue can be looked upon as having some bearing on faith or morals or both.
The Vatican takes full advantage of this, and the result is that within the
Roman Church almost any statement issued by the Pope is assumed to be authoritative."
Thus all Roman Catholics, if they are to be consistent, must
acknowledge the Pope's authority as supreme, and if there should arise a
conflict of loyalties, they are under the obligation of paying homage to
him first and foremost. In the case of British subjects who belong to the
Church of Rome, it is clear that, if they are to be absolutely faithful to
its teachings, their first allegiance must be to the Roman Pontiff rather
than to Queen Elizabeth II and that it is his interests and pronouncements
that they are primarily to have in view. After all, they are taught that
their eternal salvation would be placed in jeopardy were they to deny him
the authority which he claims to have as vicar of Christ on earth. Where,
we may well ask, does this leave British Roman Catholic Cabinet Ministers
and Privy Councillors - indeed, all Romanists who occupy places of authority
under the British Crown? Are they not, by virtue of this obligation of obedience
to a foreign personage or power, politically self-disabled and unable to
render true and undivided allegiance to the Queen and country? The Pope's
claim is, of course, false and blasphemous, and it was the recognition of
this in time past that led to the passing of the Act of Settlement and the
drawing up of the Bill of Rights, both of which were designed to free our
nation totally from the yoke of Popery. It had been discovered "by experience" that
it was "inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this Protestant Kingdom
to be governed by a Popish Prince, or by any King or Queen marrying a Papist",
and the safeguarding of the Protestant succession "in all time coming" was
therefore enshrined in law.
In drawing attention to the pretensions of the Roman Pontiff
and the obligation under which all who revere him are placed, it is not being
suggested that all of the Queen's Roman Catholic subjects are necessarily
potential traitors; it is simply pointing out that their religion places
them under the obligation of subscribing to the dogma that their spiritual
leader claims universal jurisdiction over all princes and kings of the earth.
It is freely granted that Roman Catholics are often better citizens than
their political creed would make them. In successive World Wars many of them
fought side by side with Protestant subjects, many of them losing their lives
faithfully serving King and country. But in doing so, there was no conflict
of interest or of allegiance, since the Pope did not publicly declare himself
on the one side or the other, his "official" position being one of neutrality,
notwithstanding Pius XII's signing of a Concordat with Hitler before the
Second World War began. These servicemen therefore, in fighting for their
British homeland, were not exposing themselves to Romish excommunication.
A Canadian journalist, Judy Schuett, has suggested that it
was because of this Concordat that the Jesuit-trained, former Prime Minister
of Canada, Pierre Trudeau, refused to fight in the Second World War. "Was
Trudeau's allegiance", she asks, "first to the Pope and not first to Canada?" This
journalist, who describes herself as belonging to a large Roman Catholic
family, has carried out her own research and she is surprisingly forthright
in expressing her view on this question of divided allegiance. She maintains
that it raises a lot of questions and, not least, that of Canadian sovereignty. "Do
Canadians", she asks, "have a problem of allegiance when political party
leaders have to choose between remaining [Roman] Catholic or refusing to
submit to the Pope in certain situations? Are [Roman] Catholics in any leadership
situation tied by bonds that might require them to deny Canadian sovereignty
in the face of conflicting orders from the Vatican? This is a concept most
non-[Roman] Catholics would not think of. Now the Pope is king, in essence,
of a foreign State and the Vatican acts as a nation
state with political offices in almost 200 countries.
"It is not bigoted to wonder what this power does; it is a
valid question. How would people raised from childhood in comparative isolation
from the views of other Canadians in separate [Roman] Catholic schools have
the courage as adults to deny their religious leader and face the scorn of
all their peers? Their whole lives often revolve around the church. If put
in a situation where as leader they are caught between a required decision
and the Vatican, how can they deny the Vatican without losing their eternal
safety as [Roman] Catholics, as they believe? When faced with a decision
requiring them to stand for Canadian sovereignty against their Pontiff, if
and when the situation arises, how many would have the strength to do so
under threat of excommunication by the [Roman] Catholic bishops. To whom
could they turn for help if they decided to act alone for Canada against
the Pope? All this could happen behind the scenes without other Canadians
even suspecting." (1)
This question of divided allegiance is therefore not one which
affects Britain alone; it is one which ought to give concern to nations the
world over. It is of long standing. It has been there ever since, as Wylie
(quoting Machiavelli) tells us, Charlemagne decreed in 800AD "that his Holiness,
being God's vicar, could not be subject to the judgement of man" and was
rewarded for doing so by having the crown of the western empire placed on
his head by Leo III. "Whereas formerly, the Popes were confirmed by the emperors,
the emperor now, in his election, was to be beholden to the Pope; by which
means the power and dignity of the empire declined and the church began to
advance, and by these steps to usurp upon the authority of the temporal princes." (2) This
usurpation was much advanced by Gregory VII (Hildebrand), who is remembered
as the Pope who annulled Emperor Henry IV's right to the kingdoms of Germany
and Italy and absolved his subjects from their allegiance. Such was the Emperor's
fear of the Pontiffs excommunication and so great was his anxiety to have
it removed that he was prepared to cross the Alps in the dead of winter and
endure the privation of having to stand barefoot in the snow for three days
until the lordly Gregory was prepared to grant him an audience.
"The principle", says Wylie, "on which the whole system of
the popes was founded, virtually implied their supremacy over kings as well
as over priests. They claimed to be the successors of Peter and the vicars
of Christ. But Christ is Lord of the world as well as Head of the Church.
He is a King of kings; and the popes aimed at exhibiting on earth an exact
model or representation of Christ's government in heaven; and accordingly
they strove to reduce monarchs to the rank of their vassals, and assume into
their own hands the management of all the affairs of earth. If their claim
was a just one - if they were indeed the vicars of Christ and the vice-gerents
of God, as they affirmed - there were plainly no bounds to their authority,
either in temporal or spiritual matters. The symbol which to pontifical rhetoric
has alone seemed worthy to shadow forth the more-than-mortal magnificence
of the popes is the sun, which, they tell us, the Creator has set in the
heavens as the representative of the pontifical authority; while the moon,
shining with borrowed splendour, has formed the humble symbolisation of the
secular power. According to their theory, there was strictly but one ruler
on earth - the Pope. In him all authority was centred. From him all rule
and jurisdiction emanated. From him kings received their crowns, and priests
their mitres. To him all were accountable, while he was accountable to no
one save God alone.
"The pontiffs, we say, judged it premature to startle the world
as yet by an undisguised and open avowal of this claim: they accounted it
sufficient, meanwhile, to embody its fundamental principles in the decrees
of councils and in the pontifical acts, and allow them to lie dormant there,
in the hope that a better age would arrive, when it would be possible to
avow in plain terms, and enforce by direct acts, a claim which they had put
forth only inferentially as yet. But to make good this claim was the grand
object of Rome from the beginning; and this object she steadily pursued through
a variety of fortune and a succession of centuries. The vastness of the object
was equalled by the ability and perseverance with which it was prosecuted.
The policy of Rome was profound, subtle, patient, unscrupulous, and audacious.
And as she has had no rival as respects the greatness of the prize and the
qualities with which she has contended for it, so neither has she had a rival
in the dazzling success with which at last her contest was crowned." (3)
That coronation was finally accomplished in 1870 when the infallible
supremacy of the Roman Pontiff was officially promulgated: "Therefore, we,
faithfully adhering to the tradition received from the beginning of the Christian
faith, for the glory of God our Saviour, the exaltation of the Catholic religion,
and the salvation of Christian people, the sacred council approving, teach
and define that it is a dogma divinely revealed that the Roman Pontiff, when
he speaks ex cathedra, that is, when discharging the office of pastor
and doctor of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme apostolic authority,
he defines a doctrine regarding faith and morals to be held by the universal
Church, by the divine assistance promised to him in blessed Peter, the same
is possessed of that infallibility with which the Divine Redeemer willed
that His Church should be endowed for defining doctrine regarding faith or
morals; and that therefore, the definitions of the Roman Pontiff are of themselves
irreformable, and not dependent upon the consent of the Church. But if any
presume to contradict this our definition - which may God avert - let him
be accursed."
There are many who accuse us of dwelling too much in the past,
who argue that Rome has changed, that the days of papal intrigue are at an
end and that we should magnanimously acknowledge this to be the case and
move with the times! But in reality nothing has changed. Any changes which
may have taken place are minor and cosmetic; the doctrines and practices
of the Church of Rome remain intact, as they were defined by the decrees
and canons of the Council of Trent. We see that even the dogma of papal infallibility
was not really new; it was simply promulgated officially in 1870. Moreover,
it was declared to be retrospective, which means that all popes from the
very beginning of the order are to be regarded as having possessed this power.
All ex cathedra pronouncements, bulls and encyclicals over the centuries
are therefore to be regarded as being as authoritative now as they were on
the day they were first issued. In 1535, Pius V, for instance, asserting
his claim as "prince over all people and all kingdoms, to pluck up, destroy,
scatter, consume, plant and build", declared Elizabeth I to be "deprived
of her pretended title to this kingdom, and of all dominion, dignity and
privilege whatsoever". In 2002, the Roman Pontiff still claims to be Christ's
vicar on earth, and does it not therefore follow that he must still lay claim
to universal sovereignty?
The fact that Popery is not merely a religion but a political
system is commonly overlooked. How can we remain complacent and undisturbed
when we witness so many attempts being made to undermine our Protestant throne
by removing from the statute book all legislation placed there for its protection?
If our present Prime Minister openly avows himself (which is not impossible)
to be a Roman Catholic, will he not find himself in the untenable position
of having to serve two masters, and if a conflict of interests should arise,
will he not, since his eternal salvation would otherwise be imperilled, choose
to obey the one whose claim to universal supremacy he must now acknowledge?
Rome plans well ahead and we would be naive indeed were we to believe that
it is simply coincidental that so many Roman Catholics are at present sitting
on both front benches in the House of Commons - and in the Speaker's chair
as well.
"The Papacy," in the words of Prince Bismarck, the famous late-nineteenth-century
German chancellor, "has ever been a political power which, with the greatest
audacity and the most momentous consequences, has interfered in the affairs
of this world." It is clear to any impartial observer that there has always
been antagonism between the claims of the papacy and the sovereign rights
of nations. The evidence is there for all to see and the apathy and indifference
of our generation is to be attributed to wilful ignorance, blindness and
failure to face up to the facts. Our own Adam Smith, of Wealth of Nations fame,
wrote long ago: "The constitution of the Church of Rome may be considered
the most formidable combination that was ever formed against the authority
and security of civil government, as well as against the liberty, reason
and happiness of mankind". (4) Before his
time and since, there has been ample evidence to support this affirmation.
Endnotes:
1. The Protestant Challenge, 2001, no 1,
p 11.
2. J A Wylie,
The Papacy, 1889, p 44.
3. The Papacy, p 60.
4. Adam Smith,
Wealth of Nations, 1863 ed, p
337.