Ferrara
was one of the states in northern Italy. Its ruler, in 1527, married Renée, a daughter of Louis XII of France. In her native country she had come under the influence of the Reformed faith, which she wished to promote in Ferrara. She offered protection to some French Protestants who had to flee persecution in their own country. John Calvin visited her under an assumed name and continue to have a significant influence over her through his letters. The scholars who were tutors to Renée’s children, as well as some appointed to teach in the University, were a significant influence in promoting the Reformed faith in Ferrara.
Among the scholars was Fulvio Morata. His daughter Olivia is better known; Renée chose her to be the official companion of her eldest daughter. It was while she lived in the court in Ferrara that Olivia was converted, but she felt that her personal piety suffered from the temptations to be found in such a situation. As early as 1528 there may have been several Protestant preachers in Ferrara, but it is not clear if they were able to proclaim the truth in public. Yet their sermons clearly had an effect on a number of prominent people, who either received Protestant doctrine through their ministry, or else were confirmed in it.
Modena
was a state near Ferrara and under the rule of the same family. Some who lived in the state were among Luther’s early correspondents, and it was suspected that the academy there was infected by Protestant ideas. Those who taught there were ready to criticise the ignorance and hypocrisy of the priests, and especially of the monks – in most cases, with good reason. Some of these lecturers would stand up in church to criticise the sermon. Indeed a friar was accused of having preached heresy, yet on the next occasion he defended what he had previously said.
In 1540 an ex-friar, Paolo Riccio, who belonged to Sicily, came to Modena and persuaded those who had Protestant sympathies to gather for worship in a house. These services benefited those who attended, and the numbers who did so increased. People were talking about the Scriptures and keenly discussing the differences between Romanists and Reformers. The priests complained vociferously to the Pope, who complained to the Duke of Ferrara, Renée’s husband, to do something about the situation. Riccio could see that he was in danger and tried to flee, but he was taken prisoner in a nearby village. He was brought to Ferrara, where he publicly recanted the doctrines he had preached, rather than be sent to Rome, where he knew he would be shown no mercy. Yet the seed sown in Modena had taken deep enough root to prevent damage to others as a result of Ricio’s recantation.
In an effort to prevent further dissension, the Duke had directed that no one was to occupy a pulpit without the permission of some senior cleric. But the people were so anxious to hear the Word of God expounded that some preachers disobeyed the instruction; the local magistrates supported them, writing to the Duke’s court in their favour. During 1540, one of the best-known Italian preachers came to Modena; this was Bernadino Ochino, who had already abandoned Romanism, though that was not yet publicly known. He preached in the cathedral to such a large crowd that there was scarcely room to stand. The priests were displeased at the way he preached; his sermons were so different from theirs. Perhaps even more displeasing to them was the praise that Ochino’s sermons received. The local Bishop claimed that, after returning to his diocese, “I have found things which infinitely distress me. . . . Wherever I go, and from all quarters, I hear that the city is become Lutheran”.
Florence
was the capital of the state of Tuscany. Before 1525, many people in Florence had received the Reformed faith. Among them was Antonio Brucioli, who studied Hebrew and visited Germany, where he found great help in the study of the Scriptures. Back in Florence, he came under suspicion of heresy because he associated with Lutherans, and also because he was very free in his criticisms of the clergy. One of the Dominican monks in the city exclaimed, “Brucioli is fit for nothing but to be burned” (p 55), throwing out a pun on his name, as the word brucioli means twigs or wood shavings. Among his papers was a translation of the Bible, presumably his own work, which was no doubt highly incriminating. (In fact, three translations of the Bible into Italian became available about the same time, all by natives of Florence.)
Although the monks agitated for the death sentence against Brucioli, his punishment, through the influence of friends, amounted to no more than two years’ banishment. He seems never to have returned to Florence but to have lived thereafter in Venice. He produced a commentary on the whole Bible, in seven large volumes. M’Crie reports the following testimony to the value of Brucioli’s commentary: “It contains numerous and decisive proofs of the author’s attachment to evangelical truth” (pp 56-57). Though the commentary had become “exceedingly rare”, M’Crie points out that “so far as the influence of the press is concerned, Brucioli is entitled to the name of the Reformer of Italy” (p 57).
Bologna
north of Florence, belonged to the Papal States; some of the severest edicts against heresy were issued there by various popes. Yet Reformation light penetrated into the spiritual darkness of that city, and John Mollio was one of those most used by God to bring that about. While young he became a monk and devoted himself to study, not only of general literature but also of theology. He applied himself to the Bible and to some writings of the Reformers; as a result he came to clear views of gospel truth, which he proclaimed, as a preacher and as a university professor.
In his lectures, he taught the doctrine of justification by faith, among other Protestant distinctives. These were debated between Mollio and another professor, but Mollio came out on top. The loser in the debate accused Mollio of heresy, which resulted in him being summoned to Rome. There he defended himself with such ability that the judges declared that his doctrines were true, though they could not be taught publicly without damaging the Church! Surely this was a confession that the Church did not teach the truth! Mollio was later removed from the University by order of the Pope. It is clear that in 1541 there were significant, and increasing, numbers of Protestants in Bologna.
There was considerable pressure on the Pope, throughout this period, to assemble a general council to regulate the affiliation of the Church; this went on until the Council of Trent was called. The popes were anxious to avoid holding one but, to reduce the pressure on him, Pope Paul III appointed a panel of four cardinals and five other senior clergy in 1537 to meet in Bologna to advise “as to the best method of reforming the abuses of the Church” (p 60). The report pointed to various abuses, such as “the admission of improper persons to the priesthood” (p 60) but, not surprisingly, they ignored the more-fundamental doctrinal errors, such as the denial of justification by faith alone. The Pope accepted the report but it was not put into practice. And, absurdly, when Caraffa, a member of the panel, became Pope Paul IV, he placed the panel’s report on the index of prohibited books! When German Protestants published the report, Luther contributed a preface, in which he commented, “The cardinals contented themselves with removing the small twigs, while they allowed the trunk of corruption to remain unmolested and, like the Pharisees of old, strained at flies and swallowed camels” (p 61).
A further part of a paper given at last year’s Theological Conference, somewhat enlarged. The first part was “an introductory survey”.
These were separate nations. Italy did not become one country until the nineteenth century.
Thomas M’Crie, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy in the Sixteenth Century, Edinburgh and London, 1856, p 54. Further references to this volume are given in brackets in the body of the article.