ONE of the most important measures before the present Parliament is a Bill dealing with the education question in England. As our readers know, the last Government passed an Education Act in 1902, which gave rise to widespread dissatisfaction, both among Nonconformists and Evangelical Churchmen. The reasons for dissatisfaction were various, but one of the most serious of them was that the Act gave a great opportunity to the High Church Ritualistic party to promote their views in connection with the education of the young. Considerable power was given to the priest in the matter of school management, public control was limited, and Nonconformists were compelled to pay rates for a system of things that they strongly and conscientiously disapproved of. This led to what was called a “Passive Resistance” movement, and many respectable citizens and ministers went to gaol rather than pay that portion of the rates, which was applied to education. In expressing sympathy so far with the Passive Resisters, we are not to be understood as approving of all their ideas, for many of them, we believe, advocate exclusive secular education in the schools, a thing, in our opinion, much to be dreaded. At the same time, it cannot be doubted that they have had serious grievances, and the present Government entered into power pledged to devise a remedy for these. Whether the remedy, in the present Education Bill, is, in all particulars, what it should be, is certainly a fair matter of dispute. In fact, we observe serious defects in it; but as far as can presently be judged, the Bill is likely to introduce a much better system of educational management and instruction than that which obtained under the Act of 1902. This we affirm, not from the standpoint of any party politics whatsoever, but of an interest in the moral and religious welfare of the young and rising generation. We would like to see the Ritualistic influence entirely excluded from the public schools of England, and a statutory place given to simple Bible teaching; and in
so far as the proposals of the Government point towards the realisation of these valuable objects, they have our hearty approval.
It is difficult yet to determine what the final form of this Bill will be in all particulars, as some changes will undoubtedly be made in the Committee stage, but we can learn to some extent now what are likely to continue its main provisions.
The first of these is complete public control over all schools that are aided by the rates. By this provision it appears that the voluntary schools which have been controlled by the High Church clergy, and made nurseries of Ritualism and Romanism, will be taken out of their hands and committed to the care of Boards directly elected by the people, such as obtain in Scotland. This change may not mean everything that is good, but certainly we know of no influence at work to-day in England or Scotland that is fitted to have a more baleful influence over the young than Ritualism. It is nothing more nor less than the elements of Popery, and no more effectual way can be found to prepare boys and girls for the bosom of the Church of Rome than to educate them in these elements. We still retain greater confidence in the mind of the common people about religious education than in that of the Anglican priests.
The second main provision of the Bill is the abolition of religious tests for the headmasterships of schools. It appears that, under the Education Act of 1902, it is only Church of England teachers that are eligible for these important appointments, and that no members of Nonconformist Churches need apply. Here is an undoubted hardship that demands speedy redress, for thoroughly capable men are excluded from office on an entirely unsatisfactory ground. In this provision, however, the Bill goes too far, for it does away with all religious tests and thus puts the infidel on the same platform with the Christian. A belief in, at least, the rudiments of Christianity, should be a necessary qualification of an instructor of the young in a Christian country. At the same time, it must be admitted, that very frequently blank infidelity is not so deceptive or ruinous in its influence as false religion, and under the new system the infidel will be precluded from the propagation of his opinions, while under the old, the Ritualist has every encouragement to influence his pupils in a wrong direction.
The third feature of the Bill we notice is that, while the State will not support any denominational religious teaching in the regular school programme, the Bible will be permissible, and the Bible alone, as a volume of religious instruction in the schools. Some very interesting speeches have been made on this point in the House of Commons, and Bible lovers over the whole country must have been much gratified by the remarks of Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Augustine Birrell in this connection—remarks in commendation of the Scriptures such as have not been heard in Parliament from Cabinet Ministers for many years. Mr. Lloyd George declared that “The people had made up their minds to
rally round the Bible, and were determined that no ecclesiastic or politician should be allowed to stand between the child and the light of the great Book, which saved England from darkness, and which would continue to illumine its gloom amid the darkness which oppressed human life.” Mr. Birrell also maintained that the great body of the people of this country held by the Bible as “the rule of faith and conduct,” and argued for the exceptional place it had a right to in religious education.
While the Bill affords no direct support to denominational religious teaching in the schools, it gives liberty to the representatives of the Church of England to send their own religious teachers twice a week to the schools to give their children special religious instruction. There are also what are called “extended facilities” promised to voluntary schools (schools not under the Board), whereby, if four-fifths of the parents desire it, they may have the whole scheme of denominational religious teaching imparted by the regular teachers to their children. This provision will afford an undesirable opportunity to Roman Catholics to advance their claims, and its distinct outcome, if it is taken advantage of, will be a practical endowment of the Popish religion. It is to be hoped, however, that this provision will come to nothing—that it will be taken away altogether, or that it will be rejected by the Papists themselves, as not meeting all their demands.
It was to be expected that Roman Catholics in general would be opposed to this Bill; they want nothing less than direct endowment for “Catholic” schools, with “Catholic” teachers teaching “Catholic” dogmas. Taking advantage of a charity which they never imitate where they have the reigning power, and which their principles condemn, they do not hesitate to put forward their claims with an almost impudent boldness, and are holding mass meetings with the purpose of exciting opposition to the Bill. It is still more significant, however, that most of the Bishops of the Church of England are also strongly opposed to it. Their High Church proclivities are about to get a severe blow, and they are wincing terribly under the anticipated stroke. In fact, the occasion is bringing to the surface their hatred to the simple truth of Holy Scripture. The Bishop of London is reported to have said that mere Bible teaching is a thing that the Church of England schools were “built to avoid.” Nothing will satisfy the Ritualists but the endowed teaching of their Romish catechisms.
It ought to be the earnest prayer of everyone who desires the highest good of England, that the Lord would, in infinite mercy, guide our legislators in the right way in this most important business, that they may discountenance error and encourage truth, and give to God’s most precious Word that supreme place it ought to have in the education of the young, who are, humanly speaking, the hope of our country’s future. The Bible has been the chief source of Britain’s intellectual, moral, and spiritual pre-eminence among the nations of the world.