Submitted to the Synod by the Rev. D. M. Macdonald, Portree.
IT is painfully obvious that since the end of the War neither true religion nor morals have advanced in our nation. Inside and outside the Churches all sorts of unscriptural theories are advanced, and Scepticism, Romanism, Spiritism, and indifference are growing apace. This is very disquieting, and cannot but be viewed with alarm by all who have the welfare of the nation at heart.
There is an inordinate craving for pleasure amongst all classes, especially the young. Promiscuous dancing, which appears to have a demoralising effect on young people, is becoming a craze in our towns and villages, while theatre-going and sport are more popular than ever. All these combined are more or less bound up with the moral and spiritual evils of impurity, profanity, drunkenness, and gambling. They are sapping the lives and destroying the usefulness of the young.
The Committee view with the greatest sorrow the encroachments that are being made on the Sabbath Day. There are no signs of improvement. Many spend the day in idleness, reading secular news, travelling about for pleasure, while the means of grace are neglected. Conferences on secular matters are frequent on the Day of Rest, our Prime Minister setting the evil example, so that it is no wonder our national affairs should be in such an unsettled condition.
It is with some concern that the Committee learn that the Government propose taking the retrograde step of sanctioning again the collection of letters on the Lord’s Day. When this was prohibited some time ago the results were satisfactory from every point of view.
They are glad to observe that a bill has been presented to Parliament prohibiting the teaching of Socialistic views in Socialist Sabbath schools, and they trust that this bill will be passed into law by Parliament.
The Lord’s Day has been a safeguard to the moral purity of our nation for centuries, and unless an improvement takes place we shall soon have the Continental Sabbath in Britain, with disastrous consequences to our national and spiritual welfare. In an evil and adulterous generation there is more need than ever of a strict observance of the Lord’s Day.
With regard to Romanism, the Committee would point out that it appears to be advancing, especially in England. The Papacy is putting forth every effort to capture Britain, and its most zealous minions in this work are turncoat Protestants, some of whom in Glasgow were presumptuous enough to urge in public that Rome should win first the youth of our colleges. We are glad to note that Glasgow’s answer to this challenge was the severe defeat of Roman Catholic and Socialist candidates at the recent Education Authority Election.
The heart of the community may be sound with regard to Protestant sentiment, but at the same time the public conscience should be kept alive to the danger and evils of Romanism.
A great step forward was made by Rome when it succeeded in getting its religion taught at the expense of the ratepayers of the country. The 1918 Education Act has practically endowed Roman Catholicism in Scotland. To prove this the following statistics may be submitted :—
When the Education (Scotland) Bill, 1918, was before the country there were differences of opinion, especially with regard to Clause 18, providing for the transference of the Denominational Schools. The clause, however, after minor changes, was passed, and became part of the Bill, and through its operation these schools have become public schools under the respective Education Authorities of the areas in which they were originally planted.
The full meaning of this new departure may be seen by a comparison of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1872, with that of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918. Under the former the Church of Scotland, the Free Church of Scotland, and others surrendered their school buildings, covering the whole of Scotland, with their sites and lands, without price, or rent, or lease, or compensation, or consideration; a secular education was provided for all children without distinction, and religious instruction was left to the determination of the respective School Boards, only, where given, a time-table was fixed and provided a conscience clause. Under the latter the managers of the Denominational Schools are empowered to claim a price or rent for their school buildings, school furniture, school sites and lands, and Education Authorities are bound to satisfy their claims out of the public purse; the schools thus transferred are maintained and managed as public schools, and receive grants as such; but their teachers and supervisors of religious instruction must be of the same religious belief as the representatives of the Church or denominational body in whose interests the school is conducted; the time set apart for religious instruction or observance in these schools must conform to the use and wont of the former management of the school; and ample provision is made for any Church or denominational body, acting on behalf of the parents of the children of their respective communions, to add to the number of their public denominational schools, solely at the public expense.
From this comparison it will be seen that the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, has quietly, but nevertheless effectively, introduced into our Scottish educational system a principle opposed to that on which our whole public school organisations have hitherto been built, and laid the lines of a far-reaching scheme of sectarian elementary and secondary education at the public expense.
The increasing cost of this new departure to the ratepayers year by year may be gauged by the cost even now at the beginning of the departure:—